Reporter in Exile

Thai Floodocalypse 2011: The Wettening

The Great Lake of Siam

As I write this, a torrent of water is surging into downtown Bangkok.

Like many people, I considered the flooding of this giant megapolis extremely unlikely . Now I'm scrambling to make last-minute preparations.

Thailand's central plain is a giant funnel, and all of the waters from the annual monsoon season must drain out through the little hole on the bottom. This hole is also known as the capital city of Bangkok.

Since the modern urbanization, pavement and sprawl  of Bangkok -- which was once a watery Venice-of-the-East -- the national strategy has been to stop up the drain and let the rural provinces upcountry take a soaking. The panic unfolding downtown can't hold a candle of calamity to the dozens of provinces which have been under water for weeks.

Although global warming is suspect, the true fault according to Thai environmentalists are more traditional human impacts: Deforestation, urban development and destruction of natural water ways.

Water and dried noodle disappeared from stores two weeks ago when the hypervigilant (we rolled our eyes) bought it all. So much for sharing. During the course of the past week, as waters continued to advance and a secondary torrent of conflicting information leaked out, it became apparent that the Thai government has been less than forthcoming with information. Censorship is a cornerstone of Thai governance, but trying to keep hands on the spout -- to stretch the metaphor -- has led to confusion, panic and fear. No one has known for certain whether they are in danger or not. 

The politically divided leadership has fallen to finger-pointing and undercutting one another, further eroding the public's confidence.

The levee of doubt crashed open during the weekend, and residents leaped into action to save their city. Those efforts were quickly overwhelmed by fast-moving water. 

Municipal officials have declared the remainder of the month a holday, and have just urged people to leave if they can.

 

FYI, I have been and will continue to update via the Twits channel to the right -->

A woefully incomplete guide to Thailand's 2011 election

Early voting began over the weekend throughout Thailand, where glossy election posters have choked the streets for weeks.

A decade back, at the end of 2000, I was here during the campaign and eventual election of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

It was to be a historic election under the kingdom's newest and -- according to many legal scholars -- best constitution. (Which in 2006 would be unilaterally rewritten by the military.)

One thing changed are the candidates' images. Martial attire was the custom 10 years ago. But while the Royal Thai Army's power has not flagged during the past decade; its brand image has suffered.

Yet the army's primary area of operation has always been domestic politics. The modern Thai state has never made war, excepting an attempt to reclaim territory from an already-trounced France in 1940. Thai soldiers, however, have been deployed numerous times to supress Thai citizens.

Anyhoo. Net result: Resentment over the army's last political intervention, ouster of Thaksin and constitution-shredding has seen a 'demilitarization' of the political aesthetic. More sports jackets, jewelry and smiles.

Unchanged are the Shinawatra campaign's key messages: from Thaksin-then to Yingluck-now. What he said; she says. Business acumen. "CEO" leadership. Redistribution of wealth. Power to the people.

"Too rich to be corrupt" was the argument the electorate puzzled over in 2000. "Too big to fail" seems the prevailing wisdom today.

Here is a partial list of some of the many candidates and parties on oversized-display:

 

Name: Prachathipat (Democrat Party) 

Leader: Abhisit Vejjajiva

Election designation: No. 10

Current seats: 172

Abhisit Vejjajiva, while clearly a hell-of smart guy, just doesn't photograph so well.

Many observers wrote Abhisit Vejjajiva's political epitaph as soon as he became prime minister. They predicted he'd be replaced, toppled or worse within months for being too young, too privileged and too Oxford-educated. That was two-and-a-half years ago, and the "caretaker" PM now hopes to retain his post with a newfound credibility from the electorate. His Democrat Party formed a coalition government with others after the courts found another legal pretense to remove another Thaksin-loyal PM in 2008. Under his leadership, the Democrats doubled-down on populist policies similar to those which built Thaksin's base.

As for the posters, the Democrat campaign is defensive basketball. They are expending more effort on scare-tactics to portray their opponents as dangerous than they have built a case for their accomplisments. Their posters and speeches remind voters of the fires and violence in Bangkok last year, intimating that more of the same will come with a Puea Thai victory.  

 

Name: Puea Thai  (For Thais Party)

Election designation: No. 1

Leader: Yingluck Shinawatra

Current seats: 188

 

PTP Candidate Little Sister is polling well among women and men, the rural and urban and foreign men.

Where the Democrats have scared, Puea Thai has uplifted. The third incarnation of Thaksin Shinawatra's banned Thai Rak Thai ("Thais Love Thais") party, PTP has run a positive campaign promoting its ticket-topping Yingluck Shinawatra, a political neophyte who also happens to be Thaksin's youngest sister.  So much for turning a new page with new leadership.

Yingluck has shown she can work a crowd, and a charm campaign/introduction tour has taken her from zero to hero among Thaksin and PTP supporters in a matter of weeks. Although she asserts her independence from Thaksin, there is little doubt among Thais that Yingluck is a proxy for the convicted/self-exiled former prime minister. After all "CEO Micromanager" was core to his political identity. Yingluck's policies and pronouncements are unlikely to come forth without the imprimatur of big brother-in-exile.

Her posters feature the highest production values. Whereas most women candidates seek to defeminize themselves with chopped coifs, Yingluck's cascading locks are full-blown Soft Power.

Everyone expects Puea Thai to outperform its opponents on July 3. Will they take the 260-or-so seats necessary to rule outright?

 

Name: Rak Thailand  (Love Thailand Party)

Election designation: No. 5

Leader: Chuwit Kamolvisit

Current seats: 0

Chuwit is mad as hell and he's not ... actually I have no idea what's going on here.

And then there is Chuwit. Known to most people as the Sex Parlor King, Chuwit ran an empire of megabrothels in Bangkok and doesn't shy from speaking his mind, making him an anomaly among Thais. (For the frankness, not the sex business.) He's run unsuccessfully for governor of Bangkok before. He also stomped a news anchor for questioning his manhood.

It's tempting to dismiss the overtly sincere-yet-hammy Chuwit as a mere joke candidate. It's also difficult to imagine him being an effective politician. Whether he's in it for simply for the Lulz or ego gratification, only Chuwit knows.That said, he is the most entertaining candidate in an election short on chuckles. (This poster reads: "Politics is like a diaper -- it should be changed often.")

His style draws an affectionate response. A surprising number of people, including well-heeled, status-quo types, have confided their impulse to vote for the Sex King. He might do well enough among those frustrated and undecided between the two majors to win a seat in parliament.

In case Chuwit's brand isn't clear by now, here's one more:

Name: Bhumjaithai  (Thai Pride Party)

Election designation: No. 16

Leader: Newin Chidchob

Current seats: 32

Originally a member of Thaksin Shinawatra's Thai Rak Thai party, Newin turned against his former boss two years ago and led his splinter faction, Bhumjaithai, into a coalition with the Democrats, which created today's Abhisit government.

Newin's been accused of corruption several times and actually convicted of vote buying. He's also been a significant power broker for a guy who was banned from politics four years ago.

Bhumjaithai is Abhisit's most important coalition partner. It's been a tempestous romance, at best.

For July 3, Bhumjaithai's posters have stressed policy over personality with ads such as this one, promising to lower the Value Added Tax by 2 percent. 

 

Name: Chartthaipattana (National Development Party)

Election designation: No. 21

Leader: Chumpol Silpa-archa

Current seats: 25

Another disbanded-then-reconstituted party once aligned with Thaksin and now part of the Democrat-led blok. Party leader Chumpol recently expressed umbrage after Abhisit said on Facebook he hadn't wanted to partner with Chartthaipattana. "Me neither," Chumpol said. Both men made veiled reference to external forces bending their wills together. Neither elaborated.

 

Name: Rak Santi  (Love Peace Party)

Election designation: No. 12

Leader:Purachai Piumsombum

Current seats: 0

Social conservative Purachai Piamsomboom made a name for himself as Thaksin's interior minister for his moral crusade against dancing, drinking and most things popular after dark. Bars closing at 2 a.m.? He's the guy.

Purachai, who has cultivated an image as "straight" and "honest," recently handed out rulers at a recent press event. He's offering himself as a middle-road compromise candidate for the undecideds.

Name: Pracha Santi  (People for Peace Party)

Election designation: No. 33

Leader: Seri Suwannaphanont

Current seats: 0(?)

This is what I'm talking about. Old school. Unenthusiastic-looking dudes in robes and uniforms.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Name: Matubhum Party 

Election designation: No. ?

Leader: Gen. Sonthi Boonyaratklin

Current seats: 3(?)

Led by Sonthi Boonyaratklin, a Muslim army general and leader of the 2006 military coup, Matubhum's support base is in the south of Thailand.

 

With election and return to democracy near, sparks fly from Thai hustings

By KENNETH TODD RUIZ

BANGKOK -- Polychromatic political agitators,  military-girded coups d'état, factional violence and courts of law have all had a hand in reversing Thailand's democratic fortunes during the past five years.

Next month, Thailand's electorate hopes to voice the final word in restoring representative democracy by choosing new leadership in the first general elections held since 2007. Until that time, about 150 candidates have sought police protection for the remainder of the campaign while opponents trade accusations of impropriety.

Although a panoply of parties will appear on their ballots, voters on July 3 face two choices: either to maintain the status quo of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva or once again return power to the political dynasty of Thaksin Shinawatra, who was forcibly deposed in 2006. Until that time, about 150 candidates have sought police protection for the remainder of the campaign and opponents trade accusations of impropriety.

Either way, Election 2011 is a buyer's market. There doesn't seem to be many promises off the table for candidates -- from higher wages and lower taxes to the wholesale elimination of poverty and drug abuse. 

Abhisit has said his government will put more money in workers' pockets by increasing the minimum wage 25 percent. Thaksin promised a government-supplied tablet computer for every student.

Dramatics typical to any election are beginning to play out as the campaign enters its final weeks. Those opposing Thaksin have sought to disqualify Yingluck Shinawatra from her top spot on the Pheu Thai party list. Pheu Thai is all but guaranteed to win the most seats in the election, after which it will seek to coalesce a majority and install Yingluck -- Thaksin's younger sister -- as prime minister.

The Democrat Party hopes to keep Abhisit in that job by holding enough seats with its lesser coalition partners to block another ascendant Shinawatra. The urbane Abhisit has proven his political talents by outliving all expectations when he became caretaker prime minister by fiat in December 2008. He's also had to dodge ice blocks and insults outside of his urban comfort zone while seeking inroads into the rural, Thaksin heartland.

Although Yingluck has asserted her autonomy, few doubt she will serve as a proxy for her big brother, who built his brand as the micromanaging "CEO" of ThaiGov.

As Thailand looks to move forward, its fate and narrative are still dominated by one man, now living in exile in Dubai.

Indeed the younger Shinawatra's campaign seems to borrow heavily from Thaksin Shinawatra's highly successful bid in 2001. Then and now, Team Shinawatra promised to wield a business acumen and decisive leadership to address national ills.

The possibility that Yingluck might rule at her brother's behest would be just fine with many of the supporters  who helped Thaksin become the first prime minister to survive an entire term. He won a second term in 2004 with wide support. The Royal Thai Army removed him from power two years later.

Ninety-two people were killed during unrest in 2010 after Thaksin-aligned "Redshirts"  sought to affect his return from Dubai through nonviolent means. 

They also demanded Abhisit step down because he lacked the imprimatur of voters. The winsome Oxford graduate led his party in opposition until the removal of a second Thaksin-approved successor by a court under spurious pretenses.

Yingluck has promised amnesty for those who've run afoul of the past five years' political turmoil. Her opponents fear this to be a mechanism whereby Thaksin could be absolved of his in absentia conviction on corruption charges and return to Thailand.

Pheu Thai has reportedly declined to field Yingluck in a debate with Abhisit prior to the election. Either party will need to command a majority in the 500-seat parliament to forge a ruling government.

Despite the results of next month's election, the first test of Thailand's return to democracy will come after the ballots are certified. Whether Thaksin, Abhisit, red, yellow or other prevails, it remains to be seen whether there will be a noble concession of the vanquished -- and the powers each represents -- and respect for the rule of law.

Until then, voters have only promises and pasts through which to sift.

 

Kenneth Todd Ruiz is a Bangkok-based journalist.

Thailand one year on

Antigovernment Redshirt demonstrators are marking the first anniversary of a violent crackdown by massing at the same location from which they were forcibly expelled May 19, 2010. Their vigil in front of the Central World Plaza in the Thai capital's upscale shopping district comes despite a rumored deal that has kept them off the streets in large numbers. Today the political parties drew their numbers for ballot position in the much-anticipated general election to take place July 3. 

After a year of relative quiet, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the exiled Redshirt figurehead, has been actively campaigning for his Puea Thai party.  His sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, is heading the party in his absence. Authorities have jailed several Redshirt leaders in the run-up to election day.

Although Puea Thai is expected to increase its majority, it will likely remain in opposition. It will be difficult to garner the number of seats needed to overcome the Democrat Party of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's coalition bloc. The newly formed New Politics Party of the status-quo leaning Yellowshirt movement has not fielded any candidates out of protest.

The election is being cast as a test for Thailand's stricken democracy. Political analysts augur the vote could either be a fresh start or catalyst for a new round of divisive angst.

Meanwhile the Grand Guignol of distractions along the Thai-Cambodian border, in which soldiers and civilians from both countries have been killed in the fight over an ancient Khmer temple, has been quiet under a new cease-fire agreement.

Thailand has admitted using banned cluster munitions in its attempt to lay claim to the temple. The International Court of Justice ruled 60 years ago the border temple lay within Cambodia.

Court dismisses case

Without speaking to its merits, Thailand's Constitutional Court has voted 4-2 to dismiss the case against the ruling Democrat Party on procedural grounds.

This avoids an outcome which would have immediately destabilized  already tumultuous  Thailand. In the long term, however, it is unlikely to bolster people's confidence in a system which dissolved the previous two opposition governments, one over a prime minister's cooking show.

Government's fate in hands of Thai court

Imagine there was a special court in the United States that could entirely disband the Democratic or Republican parties for campaign spending violations or conflicts of interest. Not only dissolve entire parties, but also ban their members from holding office for five years.

In Thailand, such a court exists. It has brought down two governments and twice dissolved popular political parties associated with former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, himself deposed in a coup, convicted of corruption and on the run.

Today, the latest chapter in Thai political turmoil will be written by Constitutional Court when it issues its verdict on whether the ruling Democrat Party of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva gets the axe.

The allegation? That the Democrats exceeded limits to public spending on campaign advertising by several million dollars baht.

If the court rules against the party -- the oldest in the kingdom and standard-bearers of the staus quo --  its constituencies will likely create a new party to rally around. However its current leadership will be unable to participate.

Democrat officials have expressed firm belief the verdict will be in their favor. Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban expressed such confidence by saying they have prepared no contingency plan for an order to dissolve.

In recent years, the Thai judiciary increasingly has been criticized as being susceptible to political influence, and at worst, a proxy force for the machinations of those in power.

A decision by the court to not disband the party will be ill-received by opposition elements, who have organized large rallies during the past 18 months.

The court heard the case after Thailand's election commission recommended the party be dissolved just days before the opposition "red shirts" began their campaign this past spring, which ended nearly 100 people, mostly civilians, were killed in the streets of the Thai capital.

 

In reality, top Democrats aren't being quite so cavalier, according to WSJ's James Hookway:

While Democrat leaders publicly say they have no contingency plan to cope with an adverse court verdict and expect to be exonerated, Thai observers suggest Democrat authorities have already set up a smaller party to absorb Democrat politicians and stay on as head of the ruling coalition in the event that the Democrat Party is dissolved.

Still, Thailand's powerful armed forces, which helped put the ruling coalition government together, would be taking a substantial risk by allowing such a political realignment take place, analysts say. Mr. Thaksin's supporters in the opposition might gather fresh momentum amid the confusion and refocus their challenge to the government, six months after a series of violent clashes between antigovernment protesters and troops on the streets of Bangkok earlier this year.

Red shirt rally situation "tense" on crackdown's sixth anniversary

Today marks the sixth anniversary of the violent suppression of the red shirt movement's occupation of critical Bangkok areas this past spring.

I've yet to make it over there, but someone just sent this:

 

RATACHAPRASONG UPDATE 7am:
Hordes of police if flowing in. Columns of prison vans are waiting. Large groups of riot police in full gear are moving around Ratchprasong. Many more are getting ready.
Some "red camps" have been removed. Scattered red shirts are around the whole area and their mood is very tense.

What else is going on in Thailand

Things other than cyclical political unrest do happen in Thailand.

• Severe flooding upcountry has killed 41 people and affected about 30 provinces. Thailand's alluvial plain drains into the Chao Phraya River, which reaches the gulf through Bangkok. Those waters are now hitting the Thai capital.
• U.N. Secretary General Ban-Ki Moon hits town Tuesday. He is not expected to say anything terribly significant. Activists still hope to air their complaints.
• While occasional violence in Bangkok grabs headlines, southern Thailand remains a frenzy of with frequent bombings and assassinations in the Muslim-Malay provinces seeking independence from Bangkok. Some observers have been teasing out a link between radical elements within the red-shirt movement and the southern extremists after a bomb-maker accidently blew up his Bangkok apartment, and himself, earlier this month. That same day, authorities extended their emergency powers in Bangkok and other provinces through the end of the year.
• Sadly, I lost Democratic MP Sirichoke Sopha as a friend on Facebook before I could look at his Mafia Wars profile. The new Facebook feature which shows you what applications and games people are using showed it among his favorites. Sopha, who's been trying to keep a lower profile after several embarassing incidents, seems to have deleted his profile.
• Thailand's judiciary, which in recent years has been accused of being more political puppet than independent authority, is considering whether to disband the ruling Democratic Party for alleged campaign finance violations. The Constitutional Court -- created as a parallel to the Supreme Court under the 1997 Constitution with broad oversight of political practices -- has dissolved several parties before. Their dissolution of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's Thai Rak Thai ("Thais love Thais") party following his ouster by the military four years ago didn't do much to burnish their credentials as an independent body.

But now they've got the status quo in their sights. Last week, several surreptitiously filmed videos were leaked onto YouTube in an apparent effort to discredit the court. One shows a Democratic MP meeting with a court official in what is being described as an attempt to influence the outcome. Speculation is it was an inside job; the court secretary has been fired.

 

 

Return of the Reds - and blog

At any given moment the movement's anthem "I Love Red Shirts" booms from a dozen different after-market audio systems. I've tried capturing the energy of the rallies through this video. Most footage is from Sept. 19; a few shots come from Oct. 10 (The looming art deco that is Democracy Monument should help with distinguishing the two.)

 

Some thought the government broke the back of the red-shirt movement in May when soldiers swept it from the Thai capital's occupied commercial district.

Absent direction from neither its jailed leaders nor the opposition political party which shares their goals, the movement had become frayed, disorganized and demoralized. 

On Sept. 19, after weeks of rebuilding their profile and presence, a massive red-shirt rally marked the five-month anniversary of the crackdown and delivered a reminder to the capital -- and themseves -- of their strength.

Despite the imposition of an "emergency decree" throughout much of Thailand that limits rights of assembly and gives Thai authorities broad powers, red shirts were allowed to gather under the nervous eyes of residents and others anxious to avoid a repeat of this past spring's violence, which killed 91 people.

The demonstration also coincided with the four-year anniversary of the military coup which deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who most red shirts seek to return to power.

What was to be a caravan tour to memorialize sites where red shirts had lost their lives earlier this year broke down at the same intersection around which they'd built fortified barricades and occupied for weeks.

Their numbers shut down the streets. They tied a lattice of red ribbons to swing over Ratchaprasong intersection and sang and danced into the evening.

This wasn't part of the plan approved by authorities, but it delivered an abrupt reminder to Bangkok that the protesters maintain the ability to seize territory at any time.

Just as riot police assembled nearby and talk turned to the possibility they would reclaim the area, the crowd dispersed before 8 p.m.

Other rallies have followed in recent weeks, including a large gathering on Oct. 10 at the Democracy Monument, where the first night of violence occured in April. Red shirts have sought to shape their public image by capturing symbolic dates and locations. Oct. 10 was the 34th anniversary of the execution of dozens of unarmed students by security forces and right-wing paramilitaries at a nearby university.

These rallies were a return to the festive and enthusiastic tone of the spring engagement's initial weeks, which waned after the first spate of violence on April 10.

Most notable however was the striking amount of negative sentiments and hostility expressed toward the monarchy, in a country where doing so is a serious crime.

Through words and graffiti, people openly expressed antipathy toward members of the royal family, which is somewhat shocking in a country which cultivates and perpetuates the idea that reverence toward the throne is universal.

Most of those attending were Bangkok residents instead of the rural Thais who converged on the capital earlier this year. And for most, the rallies served to reignite their morale through a politically charged party.

Return of the red shirts

A red rally which was to circulate through symbolic sites in Bangkok has stopped at Ratchaprasong intersection. The same site they'd occupied prior to being violently swept out four months ago. A bid to retake the area? Or a strong reminder to Bangkok that they could do so at any time? A more instructive experience might be found at the government-organized rally where Interior Minister Chavarat and the "Monarchy Defense Network" will administer an oath of allegiance to the king.

Update: Today was a reminder to the red shirt movement itself, not just Bangkok and the government, of their power. It was an energetic and enthusiastic gathering free of violence or enmity. Surprisingly, anti-monarchy sentiments were being aired quite openly. The construction barrior in front of the burnt Central World mall was covered in handwritten messages challenging not just the government, but openly criticizing the royal institution.

More details from me twits here, and I'll post some video and images by tomorrow.

ThaiGov: Human rights presser "detrimental" to Vietnam

Although I haven't visited the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand of late, I'd planned to stop by for Monday evening's press conference "From Rhetoric to Reality: HUMAN RIGHTS IN VIETNAM, Under its Chairmanship of ASEAN in 2010."

The FCCT has just publicized the fact its being pressured to cancel the the event by Ministry of Foreign Affairs. According to the letter posted by the FCCT, although the government "attaches great significance to the principles" of free speech, it considers the conference "detrimental" to Vietnam and wants it canceled:

"While the Royal Thai Government attaches great importance to the principles of freedom of expression and diversity of views, it also has a long-standing position of not allowing organizations and/or persons to use Thailand as a place to conduct activities detrimental to other countries. I therefore hope that the FCCT will respect this position and not allow its premises to be used for such activities.

"I thank you for your understanding and cooperation."

UPDATE: Paris-based groups organizing the event have canceled after saying the Thai government denied visas to its speakers.

The Lotustika

I was completely unaware the "New Politics Party," established by the pro-stat-quo Yellow Shirts one year ago, had such a compelling and arresting logo.

Bomb

When Sunday's IED detonated across from the ruined Central World Mall -- killing one and injuring 10  --  Bangkok's lingering malaise tipped toward fear. Fueling the anxiety is the dreadful wait to see whether it was an isolated event linked to Sunday's special parliamentary election or the opening salvo of an urban insurgency.

Despite being encouraged to embrace the official narrative that Everything is Fine (just not quite enough to lift a draconian, national 'emergency decree'), people have grimly resigned to expect further calamity, knowing May's crackdown was no happy ending.

Since the red shirts were violently flushed from Bangkok two months ago, a kind of post-traumatic depression has gripped the Thai capital.  There's been little of the ambient mirth that is a cornerstone of Thai exceptionalism. Two days after the May 19 crackdown, I rode the just-reopened Skytrain down Sukhumvit Road, past the still-steaming pile of mall at Ratchaprasong intersection. Almost every commuter turned their back or looked away from the gaping commercial wound. One or two cautious peeks the only recognition.

On the Media

Your humble narrator and Olivier Sarbil at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand on June 10, 2010. The one on the left, lost in high-fevered delirium, was left to fend for himself by the villainous Frenchman Corsican at right. Coalition of the willing, indeed.

As a novice staffer for a large media syndicate in Los Angeles, I pledged myself to a pragmatic idealism and certain inviolable tenets. My hope was to anticipate and avoid the mistakes I saw plaguing the Fourth Estate;  a profession for which I held deep skepticism.

'Accessibility' was among the virtues to which I committed. I would respond earnestly to every e-mail, phone call or smoke signal blown my way. Aiding this was the inclusion of my e-mail address helpfully affixed below my every soy-inked dispatch in the newspaper.

By my second year, I had abandoned this as a conceit. One counterproductive to the very values to which I'd aspired. It wasn't the poetic elegance of "Hope you die in a fire you [liberal/conservative] shitbag" messages. Those brighten a reporter's day and join the constellations of cubicle-clutter. Good material for a coffee-table book. Nor did the problem lie with sincere inquiries, accurate corrections or fair comment/criticism.

It was the articulate and quasi-reasonable, yet fact-averse and logic-broken missives which proved the pretty poison.

Much has been said of bias in the recent reportage of Thailand's political crisis, particularly after  Bangkok's sanguine-streaked streets became stained with the real stuff.

Anytime people start lobbing gripes about "the Mediuh," they're really only talking about the major broadcast networks: The television people who reach a disproportionate audience share compared to the legions of photogs, radioheads and writers.

Written stories, generally, provided a more adequate representation of the conflict. Words remain more apt tools for nailing nuance and capturing context, partly because they can take more time. There is a negligible-to-nothing cost difference between publishing a 500-word or 5,000-word piece online. But who wants to read, amirite?

Market forces, corporatization, competition, commercialism, diminished attention spans -- and yes, the 'action'-news, Geraldoized  culture of egocentrism -- contribute to the challenges of doing good broadcast journalism.

Try distilling your next profound thought into 90 seconds of airtime. On deadline.

To different degrees, the bias debate erupts with any significant reporting. Like all narrative, news coverage is anchored in conflict. Whether between warring states, elected officials or commercial property developers. The more divergent and incompatible their perspectives -- taken to extreme in Thailand where the world looks entirely different through yellow- or red-colored lenses -- it is impossible to satisfy both sides. And dangerous to begin thinking in those terms.

Some journos argue good reporting should irritate both sides. Explore their mutually exclusive, polar viewpoints without validating or invalidating either, beyond what facts and history can establish. Yet bad reporting has an identical effect, only more corrosively so.

The problem is that bitching about bias is effective. American journalism has been under siege since before there were states to be united. The North American media has skewed far to the right as decades of "Blame the Liberal Media" moved from bumper-sticker rant to 'conventional wisdom.' A 'fact' accepted by many reporters, making them (more) schizophrenic.

Why is this? Many reasons. But it doesn't help that reporters tend to be thin-skinned egotists who worry too much about what people think about them. Add blogging and comment-enabled online stories to the job profile -- oh and that  awful e-mail address -- to the ivory tower is breached faster than you can say "Judith Miller."

I reconsidered my ethic of accessibility because it proved a huge window for influence. Influence is to be avoided. Kept at "arm's length" according to most ethical manifestos. Newsrooms have metaphorical and sometimes physical walls to protect reporters from internal influence; should they so readily discard those firewalls against the external? In the name of satisfying consumer preference? Most of the numbingly brilliant MBA-holders throttling today's newsrooms think so.

But the cat's already out of the bag and it's got our tongues. Or ears. Roll your own metaphor.

As we know, a keyboard and high-speed lack of accountability is the leading cause of spontaneous Tourette's syndrome. People on the Internet say the darndest things. It's just too much; the reporter's fragile psyche splinters in response.

Overcompensation is far too often the result.  See the effect on American journalists, many of whom have accepted the lie that it's impossible to be objective, a belief I once held as truth. They pivot and swing to please and appease. "Just in case," they rationalize.

CNN's Dan Rivers, target of a vocal campaign by the Thai status quo, has vacillated between attempting to appease his critics or mount a shrill defense. Instead of operating as an agent for his profession and representative of a serious news organization, he reaffirmed it was about himself through his Tweets and a defensive letter read aloud at a recent FCCT panel on the media experience. (Dan sent the letter but said he couldn't attend.)

Eschewing outmoded vestiges of integrity, honesty and reliability, Daniel J. Rivers' Twitter profile seems to telegraph "Damn, I make this look good."

Yet Dan Rivers isn't the problem (Certainly Walt Cronkite's ascension to "Most trusted man in America" would've been aided by some vanity backdrops) and CNN doesn't have a dog in the fight. Eager to reassure themselves of their right-ness and press their advantage, its critics miss the point: the network just doesn't practice excellent journalism. Too many years staring after Fox's market share and mistaking it for a competitor.

That distinction however, is academic. Bias takes many forms and doesn't look much different than reporting that is merely incomplete or inch-deep or incompetent.

Those failings are much more common than hidden slants or ulterior motives.

From behind the bamboo

Come to the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand this Thursday evening to hear journos  discuss our favorite topic: ourselves.

View from the Trenches: The Dramatic End to the Red Shirts' Rally

Cameramen and journalists discuss their first-hand experiences

8pm Thurs, June 10, 2010

Members: Free Non-members: 350 baht

Cameramen and journalists who covered the street battles in central Bangkok will gather at the club again this Thursday to present their work and give witness accounts about the dramatic end of the epic red shirts protest. Representatives of major news outlets and photographers who captured the riots leading up to the army dispersal on May 19 will join us to outline what they saw, and what they think about the two-month-long protest that left 88 people dead and about 2,000 injured.